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Politics as Pathology

“Where visions conflict irreconcilably, whole societies may be torn apart.

Conflicts of interests dominate the short run, but conflicts of visions

dominate history.”

                                                                             ---Thomas Sowell [1]

 

Introduction

There’s an old joke in which it is asserted that “There are two kinds of people in the world: Those who believe that there are two kinds of people in the world and those who don’t.” In the realm of politics, that claim comes close to a truism. If nothing else, the contentious presidential elections of 2000 and 2004 made this division clear. The subsequent 9/11/01 attack on the WTC and the antecedent war in Iraq served to further project us into an acute phase of the chronic political discord that separates the so-called Liberal/Progressive Left from the Conservative/Traditionalist Right. This discord is the contemporary manifestation of an ongoing political rift the roots of which can be traced at least to the time of the French Revolution (1789). It was, in fact, the seating arrangement in the French National Assembly (radicals/dissidents on the left; loyalists on the right) which resulted in the terminology we use today.

The aim here is to look again at who, contemporaneously, are the contending voices in this political dichotomy of long-standing and, more importantly; why people come to hold their particular political biases in the first place. The assertion here is that these biases are not happenstance choices but are, at least partly, the result of predilections genetically embedded in the prefrontal cortex and thus have a component of neurological and heritable origin.

Protest marches and other forms of political activism (“street theatre”) are a staple of the radical Left but are virtually non-existent on the political Right. An example is that of the Earth Liberation Front (ELF) which uses arson (pyrolagnia) as the preferred form of protest. [2] Another is the destructive Seattle riots [3] which “protested” the World Trade Organization (WTO) meetings there in 1999. Displays such as these are infused with anger and violence suggesting that they have psychological origins. It is proposed here (from a layman’s perspective) that this anger is a neurotic manifestation of an infantile anti-authoritarianism rooted in father hatred. Anecdotal evidence for this is presented and discussed.

Human Nature and the Liberal-Conservative Conflict

All the people like us are We

And everyone else are They

                        ---Rudyard Kipling

Sowell [4] details the Left-Right political rift in terms of a perpetual clash between “…two long traditions of social thought” which have arisen from two fundamentally different perceptions of human nature. One considers man’s nature as innately fixed, competitive and, at its core, driven solely by incentives that further his personal well-being, status, esteem, and the fundamental issue of his survival. This is Sowell’s so-called “constrained vision” of man in which “…human beings [are seen] as tragically limited creatures whose selfish and dangerous impulses can be contained only by social contrivances which themselves produce unhappy side effects”.[4]

Since man, as seen in this constrained, or “tragic” vision, is at his core immutably driven by self-interest, so too will be those individuals who populate the ranks of government. Consequently government itself must be viewed warily and its reach and authority necessarily kept to a minimum. The intrusion of government into the social and economic affairs of man (now, via self-perpetuating bureaucracies effectively insulated from the voting public) is to be resisted. Its emphasis has traditionally stressed the primacy of the individual and maximization of his liberty within a proscribed framework of laws to maintain civil order.

The political Right - Contemporary Conservatism - has its roots in this “constrained vision” of human nature

This view argues that it is man’s innate competitiveness which has brought about the spontaneous and synergistic “free-market” socioeconomic system - the “extended order” of capitalism as described in the works of Friedrich Hayek. At its best, a free market system fuels innovation; forces efficiency and stimulates invention and growth.

In contrast to this traditionalist worldview stands a more idealistic perception that man is not bound by any fixed nature but has an unlimited potential for change and can “…act under the influence of a socially beneficial disposition, rather than simply in response to ulterior motives.”[5]

This is the so-called “unconstrained vision” in Sowell’s terminology. Implicit in this view is the need for an activist, top-down government leadership to set national agendas aimed at achieving prescribed social and economic outcomes. This leadership is to be drawn from an assumed intellectual elite wherein “… the special knowledge of the few [is] used to guide the actions of the many.”[6] It is this belief which informs the core of the political Left and contemporary liberalism.

Such centralized authority is anathema to the conservative mind which sees it as a doorway to totalitarianism. Tyranny notwithstanding, achieving a socioeconomic equality-of-condition for the masses remains the focus of the Left. As Horowitz [7] has put it "Ever since the French Revolution, radical 'equality' and conservative 'liberty' have opposed each other as the defining agendas of Left and Right." See also Muravchik's [8] discussion of that equality advocated by the Conspiricy of Equals faction of the Revolution.

Some of the contemporary manifestations of these conflicting worldviews have been noted by Pinker [9] who writes that today's Left and Right political factions each represent

an astonishing collection of beliefs that at first seem to have nothing in common” viz.; “…if someone is in favor of a strong military, for example, it is a good bet that the person is also in favor of judicial restraint…will be tough on crime…in favor of lower taxes…and [be a proponent] of a laissez-faire economic policy.

Anyone supportive of this cluster of beliefs might well turn up, in a button down shirt, at a Republican Party affair as an unwitting adherent of Sowell’s “constrained vision” of human nature.

Pinker [9] adds that the:

opposing positions cluster just as reliably: if someone is sympathetic to rehabilitating offenders, or to affirmative action…chances are good that he will also be a pacifist, an environmentalist, an activist, an egalitarian, a secularist and a professor or student.

A person embracing this set of beliefs would likely feel at home, sandal-clad, at a Democrat or Green Party function, an admirer of Rousseau and a believer in mans potential for perfectibility.

The above belief clusters are secondary manifestations of the core difference in the contrasting views of mans essential nature as either innately fixed; self-focused; self-reliant and responsible for his actions and their consequences; or alternatively, as compliant with, and amenable to, improvement under the (assumed benevolent) direction of a “morally superior breed of leaders”. [10] These conflicting worldviews are not necessarily mutually exclusive, but most of the politically-engaged (a relatively small sub-set of the overall population) generally support the tenets of one to the exclusion of the other.

The question is why have these two “conflicting visions” with their corresponding political differences persisted essentially intact (philosophically) over the centuries? Do individuals arbitrarily choose their political biases or just succumb to persuasive others? The historical duration, unyielding contentiousness and specifics of the conflict suggests that political views may originate, at least in part, from a genetic predisposition. Pinker [9] writes:

Liberal and Conservative attitudes are heritable not, of course, because attitudes are synthesized directly from DNA but because they come naturally to people with different temperaments.

What then is it that determines ones “temperament“? A growing number of studies - recently aided by magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and positron emission tomography (PET) brain scans - suggest the answer may lie in the prefrontal cortex of the brain.

 

The Bicameral Brain

Left/Right vs. Right/Left

It was Roger Sperry [11] who was instrumental in demonstrating the laterality of the human brain. Sperry’s work, and subsequently that of many others, has demonstrated the “bicameral” nature of the cortex which consists of two conjoined symmetrical lobes or hemispheres. Sensory input is processed synergistically through these left and right lobes which synthesize a response. While all of us use our whole brain, many have a left or right lobe dominance which influences our personalities, learning styles and “colors” our perceptions of what we see and hear. Many such characteristics have been identified as intrinsic and relatable to one or the other of the two hemispheres. Some of these attributes [12] are listed below.

FUNCTION

LEFT LOBE

RIGHT LOBE

Thinking

Logical

Intuitive

Methodical

Random

Rational

Emotional

Analytical

Artistic

Objective

Subjective

Detailed

Holistic

Disciplined

Impulsive

Practical

Abstract

More gray matter

More white matter

Conceptual

Present & past

Present & future

Behavioral

Interprets

Imagines

Gender Predominance

Male

Female

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The hypothesis here is that political bias is, in part, a result of whether one inherently processes information predominantly via the left or the right lobe. If the latter, one would respond to the world through a feelings-oriented filter and be an intuitive, holistic thinker; artistic and creative. Such Emotional-Intuitives would tend to populate the artistic/creative world: writers, actors, musicians and gravitate to the intellectual professions (e.g.; theatre arts, the clergy, teaching [13], journalism [14], etc.).

It has become obvious since the 2000 & 2004 elections that a large percentage of individuals in such professions lean Left politically. Indeed one would be hard-pressed to find any but committed Left/Liberals in these more creative, intellectual milieus. These Emotional-Intuitives, may be said to be LEFT WING because they are genetically RIGHT LOBE dominant.

Women also tend to be more right brain dominant than men (Table A). One neurological study [15] (using “voxel-based morphometric analysis of MRI” ) has shown that the architecture of men’s and women’s brains differ in that “Women have more white matter and fewer gray matter areas related to IQ than men do.”

In the same study, PET scans also revealed that different areas in men’s brains than in women’s brains were activated while solving math problems (presumably with equal facility). Women, in general, are also thought to be more Liberal - at least on social issues - than are men in their voting habits. This again suggests, however tenuously, a possible correlation between right lobe-dominance and a proclivity for Left/Liberal political choices.

Does it follow from the above that Left-lobe dominant individuals are predominantly more Conservative/Right traditionalists? On average, do individuals who see the world through a more logical and objective prism find political expression as Conservatives? The menu of Left lobe characteristics (Table A) - logical, methodical, rule bound, disciplined and analytical - seems consistent with the traits of those on the Conservative/Right and the more by-the-numbers professions in which they predominate (e.g.; engineers, the military, police). This is the tradition-bound “warrior” class of pragmatic Logical-Rationalists. The answer again can only be speculative and inferential given the lack of direct laboratory evaluations.

The tentative connections made here between political proclivities and an inherited brain lobe dominance seems plausible but in obvious need of controlled laboratory studies. Some such evidence has been reported (Archived April 2006). [16] If future laboratory studies can verify such correlations the consequences would be significant. For one, the utter futility of much political debate would be clear: Trying to alter another’s political viewpoint would be akin to trying to change his eye color through force of argument. More importantly, the implications for the political Left would be sobering. The core belief of the Left is that man is a malleable creature readily adaptable to behavioral makeover’s under the direction of a “morally superior” leadership. To be faced with the reality of having to change some peoples “political eye color” by persuasion and “re-education” would seriously impact the Left’s Rousseauian vision of herding a compliant citizenry to the pastures of an earthly Eden.

The genocides under Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot et al. attest to some of histories brutal attempts to deal with the obstinacy of those citizens who have been resistant to such “coercive utopianism.”

Much of the contentiousness between the Conservative/Right and the Liberal/Left can be understood on the basis of our re-defined appellations of Conservatives as Logical-Rationalists (objectivists) vs. Liberals as (subjectivist) Emotional-Intuitives. The former assemble available information and reason sequentially to a conclusion based on the available facts. In political matters the latter respond more emotionally to issues and intuitively arc to a conclusion based on feelings. Whatever information seems to support those feelings is selected post hoc and all else rejected as unimportant, wrong or outright lies. [17] Exasperation is often the only product when the two face-off in debate. No one gets their mind changed.

The upshot of all this is to recognize that some people are emotional intuitives (Liberals) and some are logical rationalists (Conservative) and “never the twain shall meet.” Nor should they. Liberalism is an engine of empathic, well-intentioned, if sometimes misguided socioeconomic change. Conservatism reflects the time-tested evolved order of things and provides needed restraint and historical perspective. Responsible progress requires both and each serves as a check on the other. It is out of such contending viewpoints that political tyranny is avoided.

There exists on the political Left, however, a far more radical, nihilistic, and revolutionary mindset. This “coercive utopian” worldview is discussed below with some speculation offered as to its possible psychopathology.

The Radical Left

“The Ends Justify the Means”

                                                                                          --Any Leftist

Political activism in the form of protest marches, sit-ins, shouting-down [17] and physically assaulting [18] speakers [19] and other more violent [20] demonstrations are staples of radical Left politics but are virtually absent from the more individualistic and rule-bound political Right. Strident “activism” in the cause of sociopolitical change and a compelling need to hold political power to enact such change are distinguishing aspects of the radical Left along with a thread of anger which seems to run through it all.

If a certain neurological asymmetry in the pre-frontal cortex lies at the heart of Liberal-Conservative political differences something else must account for the fist-shaking, placard-waving; obscenity-laced, pie-in-the-face anger that infuses Leftist political activity and which seems to betray a psychological origin. If such exists it has, evidently, escaped the notice of social scientists who seem to be exclusively focused on the perceived pathologies [21] of the political Right.[22] A little “sidewalk psychiatry” from a layman’s perspective is offered here to fill the void.

Much of this political activism is directed in one way or another at “The Man” - a street euphemism for any vaguely defined but, by definition, authoritarian entity. For the Left, “The Man” is WASP patriarchy in general and its perceived derivative institutions in particular. Such reviled entities include:

Entity

Radical Phobia

Radical Alternative

God

The Ultimate Patriarch

Atheism, Anti-Theism

Patriotism

“Fatherland”

“Mother” Earth/Gaia

Nationalism

U.S. Imperialism

U.N., Open Borders

Capitalism/Corporatism

Competition, Wealth Disparities

Marxism, Collectivism

The Military

Imperialism

Appeasement, Capitulation

Police

Brutality

Judicial Leniency

Collectively these “phobias” constitute a syndrome of anti-WASP authoritarianism and are the targets of the radical Left’s anger and opposition. The latter, in expression [23] is suggestive of infantile tantrum-throwing hinting at likely neurotic origins. The implied patriphobia may be the result of an abusive, domineering, intolerant or absent father during infancy: misandry or a seriously unresolved Oedipal Complex. Atheism, not uncommon within the Left, has been attributed to such a pathology. [24]

So the “Rage-Against-the-Machine” hostility that characterizes the radical Left may be less about the noble causes (“social justice“) it purports to champion and more about a neurotic lust for power and revenge. For example, Marx himself was steadfastly committed to instigating revolutionary violence and was contemptuous of the working-class socialists who sought incremental improvements in their working conditions. Marx expected workers to leave their jobs, wages and dependent families to riot in the streets. It seems Marx was fixated more on generating violence than in achieving the imagined benefits it might produce or the devastation to the workers if it failed:

The…facts which did not interest Marx were the facts to be discovered by examining the world and the people who live in it with his own eyes and ears. He was totally and incorrigibly deskbound. [25]

As the atheistic son of an apostate Jewish father; grandson and great-grandson of rabbis, Marx was a relatively well-born member of the bourgeoise who rarely worked for wages himself. He lived off the largesse of his family and others (notably his colleague Engels) for most of his adult life. He was a stranger to the working class that he used as a means of exorcising his own rabid anti-Semitic demons and “so far as we know Marx never set foot in a mill, factory, mine or other industrial workplace in the whole of his life”. [25]

Marx was a theoretician dealing with the world in the abstract and was noted for an anger that seethed just below the surface and erupted with little provocation:

The undertone of violence always present in Marxism - - was a projection of the man himself. Marx lived his life in an atmosphere of extreme verbal violence, periodically exploding into violent rows and sometimes physical assault. [26]

Marx’s heir Lenin (nee: Vladimir Ulyanov) was similarly well-born into the Russian aristocracy as the son of a doting mother and a demanding, autocratic, often-absent father. Lenin became an impassioned disciple of Marx and echoed the fury of his mentor and his lust for violent revolution. One biographer [27] has written that “[Lenin’s] intellectual influences thrust him towards Revolution and his inner rage made this impulse frenetic. Lenin had greater passion for destruction than love for the proletariat.” Indeed, Muravchik [28] has noted that:

For neither Lenin nor Marx was the revolution the answer to the question: what can be done for the proletariat? Rather the proletariat was the answer to the question: what can be done for the revolution?

What fueled Lenin’s lifelong rage is uncertain but he shared his regicidal older brother Alexander’s hatred of the monarchy. Lenin “detested the…aristocracy, the clergy, the police and the high command. He hated the mercantile middle class and the rising industrial and financial middle class.”[37]

The Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), like Lenin, was “deeply attached to his mother and greatly admired her” but “…hardly ever mentioned his father, rejected his values completely, and broke entirely with the conservatism of his background“. And, possibly of more significance, “…blamed [his father] for his own afflictions(*) and condemned him for lack of care”.[30] Possibly another case of father-hatred transferred to the authoritarian Fascist [31] government under Benito Mussolini.

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(*) Gramsci was barely five feet tall; hunch-backed; frail and sickly most of his life.

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Unlike Marx, Lenin got the revolution he wanted and established what became a brutally repressive, murderous Communist regime later inherited and amplified by Stalin. Many millions were murdered, executed, starved or worked to death under Lenin and Stalin to sustain the fundamentally flawed collectivist enterprise. Similar deadly scenarios have since transpired under Mao et al. in China and Pol Pot in Cambodia.

All this would seem to be manifestations of what Horowitz, [32] in a more contemporary setting, has termed “… the dark center of the radical heart:

not compassion, but resentment… not the longing for justice, but the desire for revenge; not a quest for peace, but a call to arms. It is war that feeds the true radical passions, which are not altruism and love, but nihilism and hate.

Of interest here is the potential source of that “dark center of the radical heart” and why it is possibly what animates the radical Left.

 

Unintended Consequences

“The end may justify the means as long as

there is something that justifies the end.
                                       --Trotsky

                                                 Sooner or later in life we all sit

down to a banquet of consequences.

                                                -- Robert Louis Stevenson

History is rife with the deadly consequences of those driven by messianic visions of creating a perfect world.. The two world wars are examples. So too are the revolutions, genocides, purges, mass executions and engineered starvations perpetrated by tyrants in their quests for imagined collectivist utopias: Robespierre, Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Mao, Pol Pot (not a capitalist in the bunch) have been such tyrannical visionaries. According to Fischer:

It was …within the collectivist branch of [post Enlightenment] democracy that some of the chief causes of twentieth-century totalitarianism resided. Among these causes are the messianic political impulse, born of displaced religiosity, which sees politics as redemptive (Jacobinism and Marxism), and the communal approach to politics that insists that the individual must bow obediently to the common good. [33] 

Again, “displaced religiosity,” the “communal approach” and primacy of a “common good” are traits identified with the political Left. The ineluctable conclusion is that the multi-millions of humans slaughtered during the twentieth century were direct or indirect victims of coercive Leftist utopians:

Fascism, or its German variant, National Socialism, was the desperation of the middle class: it was the totalitarianism of the right responding to the totalitarianism [Bolshevism] of the left. [34]

 

It has been the radical Left that has been the revolutionary; the destroyer of extant order; the nihilistic entity which relentlessly strives to replace an imperfect present with an imagined perfect collectivist future:

Fascism and Communism were both rooted in the messianic ambition and gnostic illusions that the enlightenment had unleashed; both invoked the salvationist claims of the socialist promise… [and] set out to create their socialist futures by first destroying the bourgeois present, then erecting their utopias on its smoldering ruins.[35]

It is natural to impute evil motives to those who have perpetrated the political crimes of the past century. But such nihilistic, murderous histories may be less about evil than about desperate attempts of messianic regimes to stave off the inevitable collapses of their untenable, oppressive enterprises which were built on a fatally flawed belief in the nature of man: a nature, that history has shown to be unwilling to be herded into a suffocating collectivist corral.

Nevertheless, a relatively small but zealous core of Leftist utopians continues a Quoxitic quest for “Social Justice” - the sociopolitical equivalent of trying to build a perpetual motion machine. Thus it is fair to question the rationality of those who persist in tilting at the windmills of capitalism in particular and Western culture in general.

Radicalism as a Secular Religion.

Communism, like any other revealed religion,

Is largely made up of prophecies.

                                                                              ...H.L. Mencken

If there is a common theme linking the Liberal and Radical Left it is a mutual fear and hatred of the Conservative Right which stands as an annoying, biblically-infused traditionalism which the Left must expunge on its march to its imagined utopian future. The Liberal and Radical Left can be likened to two denominations of the same faith-based secular religion. It was author and academic Sam Harris who, in another context, wrote:

Consider the millions of people who were killed by Stalin and Mao: although these tyrants paid lip service to rationality, communism was little more than a political religion. [36]

And [37]

[T]otalitarianism represents the twentieth-century version of traditional religiosity; it is in many ways the secular equivalent of the religious life.

Whereas the Liberal wing of this secular faith is impelled to press for its vision of social equity, the Radical wing is compelled to do so without qualification. Welfare state Liberalism, is the denomination of “sentimental inexactitude” representing the warm and fuzzy, feel-good element of this faith. It is from this more empathic Liberal wing that Radicals recruit their more naive and well-intentioned cousins (*) to its devious causes. Liberals are driven by a pressing

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(*) Lenin allegedly regarded such people as “useful idiots”

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need to feel good about themselves and are easily duped by the seductive, if disingenuous, rhetoric of their more destructive brethren.

The Radical (“Bolshevik”) wing represents a relatively small, but strategically well-placed hard-core, agenda-driven, denomination of zealous missionaries who crusade surreptitiously to convert the unwashed masses to the secular Church of Cultural Marxism by any and all means necessary. That process of cultural subversion [38] has been in progress for decades but has been greatly accelerated by the so-called New Left generation of 60’s student radicals.

These New Left [40] radicals have now largely supplanted the “Establishment” that they once despised. They are now the “change agents” who inhabit the teacher’s unions; the liberal arts professoriate; the ACLU and its activist judge “stealth-legislators”; most of the mass Media and Entertainment industries; and many in politics who hold positions of power and influence.

This secular religion is dedicated to baptizing a new America cleansed of its perceived sins which include:

Capitalism. Capitalism is acknowledged as the most highly efficient producer of overall societal wealth ever created. It’s a tide that lifts all boats but in the eyes of the Collectivists its inherent sins are intolerable: Capitalism is both competitive and results in inequalities in wealth and corresponding inequities in the ability to share equally in the benefits that a free market produces. It must be eliminated completely or, at a reluctant minimum, put under strict control of government agencies (the "Third Way") - essentially a fait accompli.

Religion. More specifically Christianity, which the Left regards as a superstitious anachronism and, worse yet, a belief system which includes a heavenly afterlife and puts its faith in an otherworldly deity not immediately in evidence. This poses an intolerable distraction to those who wish to sculpt a heaven on earth now under the direction of a “scientifically enlightened” elite. According to Harris, “Certainty about the next life is simply incompatible with tolerance in this one”. [41] And biblical morality is incompatible with the infinitely flexible and arbitrary pseudo-morality of Postmodernist intellectuals.

Nationalism. Regarded by the Left as xenophobic and divisive. One World means no borders. The Left believes that over time the free flow of humanity will unite us all without regard to culture, race, ethnicity, language or tradition. The inevitable ferment and conflict likely to result from this stew of diverse humanity is ignored. It also ignores the human tendency to fragment to smaller “tribal units” based on a slate of shared, distinctive characteristics.

Superpower Status. Castration of the United States must proceed apace. This includes gradually shredding the Constitution with its emphasis on individual liberty and its insurances against a bullying “1984” government. The U.N. and some sort of “World Charter” will be the replacements. The standard of living in the U.S. inevitably must be reduced to parity with less-developed nations. America is to be denigrated continuously as an imperialist power and weakened militarily at every opportunity. The concept is “Peace through Parity.”

The Nuclear Family. It's been said that “It Takes a Village” to raise the child. The “sins” of a conservative/traditionalist (“fascist“) father [22] cannot be allowed to be visited on the sons in the coming utopia. Abortion is already an established industry and eventually it will be possible to genetically engineer a politically “purified” culture (devoid of left-brain dominant thinkers?). Evidently Hitler had the right idea after all: get rid of the “bad” apples. The State will see to the task of raising and indoctrinating the children.

Along Came Marx

In the final analysis, the emancipation of the Jews

Is the emancipation of mankind from Judaism.

                                                                              ...Marx

As a viable political entity, the radical Left was born with Marx’s call to world Jewry to renounce Judaism with its ancient orthodoxies which had kept Jews estranged from a suspicious, hostile society at large for centuries. But just as Marx declared all religion to be the opiate of the masses he simultaneously gave the world in general, and Jews in particular, his own contrived secular religion of Communism. Ostensibly communism offered European Jews a path out of the ghettos and shtetls into an atheistic world free of religious entanglements; national identities, perceived capitalist inequities and an end to their persecution. This seductive menu of potential liberation proved irresistible to many Jewish intellectuals who have become the primary force behind the communist enterprise since the time of Marx’s manifesto. Prager [42] has written

Once the walls of Jewish ghettos broke down and European Jews were allowed to leave Jewish societies, many Jews became non-Jewish Jews. In most cases, either they or their children assimilated into the societies in which they lived. However, a small but significant percentage became radicalized.

The question is why? Some speculation on this is offered later.

Communism initially took root in Russia where it was embraced by many of the Eastern (Ashkenazi) Jews who were at the heart of the Russian Revolution. [43] But the hoped-for emancipation under communism in the USSR was short-lived. Lenin and Stalin’s subsequent paranoid regimes launched another wave of anti-Semitism and the murder of most of the Jews such as Trotsky (nee: Bronstein) who had helped overthrow the Tsar. Many of the surviving Jews subsequently fled to the U.S. perversely bringing their (mostly Trotskyite) version of the Marxist dream with them:

Only a fraction of American Jews have been radicals, but a conspicuous number of radicals have been Jews who have shaped the singularity of a certain Jewish style in politics. [44]

While the majority of Jews may have shunned communism others, in keeping with modern times, began a steady abandonment of the pious elements of Judaism while simultaneously embracing left-of-center political involvement:

But it is by now a commonplace that the most observant Jews are rarely radical, and the most radical are rarely observant. The more radical the Jew, the less he or she is likely to know (or care) about normative practice. [45]And:Orthodox Jews, the most traditionalist in religious belief and behavior, appear consistently in surveys to be less liberal than Conservative Jews, who in turn are less liberal than Reform Jews. [46]

 

What attracts American Jews to Left-wing politics in general and radicalism in particular remains an open question. Goldberg [47] cites one observer who suggests that Jewish Liberalism "... is little more than a residue of the radical politics that Russian Jewish refugees brought with them to America at the turn of the century and taught to their children". Another observer is cited who speculated that it is "...rebellion against tradition [including] oppressive patriarchal customs [which] have driven many Jews into movements for social change". [47]

With regard to the radical Left, Horowitz [48] has written

For nearly two hundred years, Jews have played a disproportionate role as leaders of the modern revolutionary movements in Europe and the West.

[But] Only a new revolution could make whole the defect in the social cosmos. By carrying the [French] revolution to its conclusion, socialists would usher in a millennium and fulfill the messianic prophecies - - that modern ideas had discredited. Through this revolution, the lost unity of mankind would be restored, social harmony would be reestablished, paradise regained. It would be a tikkun olam, a repair of the world.

In the same vein Whitfield [45] cites, as one theory for Jewish prominence in Leftist radicalism, “… Judaic culture itself, with its yearning for repair of the world (tikkun olam) [and] its commitment to social justice…”

And, according to Fishman [49] 

"One may also say that the biblical message of radical societal change and redemption…led directly to such modern movements as secular and religious Zionism, secular concepts of tikkun olam (repairing the ills of the world), and even to the extraordinary involvement of many East European Jews in the socialist and Marxist movements of the twentieth century."

So it’s clear that the etiology of Jewish leftism does not issue from religious Judaism - the two are inversely related. We are left with 1) “Repair of the world” (tikkun olam) and/or 2) “Rebellion against tradition and patriarchy” as likely reasons for the near-monolithic Jewish commitment to Leftist politics. Some speculation regarding the psychology driving such commitment follows.

 

A Blurred Vision?

The Communist Vision is the

Vision of Man Without God

                                                                                  ---Whittaker Chambers

The Jewish predilection for socialist/collectivist socioeconomics most likely relates to the long history of the Diaspora. Jewish enclaves were dispersed throughout Europe largely insulated from the surrounding, often hostile, host cultures. Under these circumstances a communal/collectivist lifestyle would be a natural, adaptive development especially for small mercantile populations with their own unique religion, culture, and traditions. That tradition continues even today in the kibuttzim of Israel - though none too successfully it seems.[50]

Centuries of such cloistered living with its resultant inbreeding would be likely to produce an inordinately restricted gene pool - plausibly a gene pool weighted toward a particular (right brain dominant?) worldview: A genetically-impelled worldview that could persist through generations. [51] What drives the more nihilistic and revolutionary element of the radical Left needs another explanation.

Today’s radical Left are the heirs of the Russian Bolsheviks: Only the tactics have changed. The current revolution is not by blood-in-the-streets but by stealth and subversion, but it’s revolution nonetheless. The enemy now, as then, is Capitalism with its subtext of Western European culture built on Judeo-Christian morality and ethics. The crypto-Marxist banner has been relabeled “Social Justice” for cosmetic reasons to seduce new generations of the unwary into supporting it.. It may sail disingenuously under the idealistic flag of tikkun olam but its mission is to destroy the traditional capitalistic order while simultaneously replacing it with an imagined socialistic Eden. The new clergy and chief architects of this secular faith seem to be the atheistic, anti-Zionist and peculiarly self-hating, anti-Semitic, non-Jewish Jew [42] of whom Marx was the prototype.[52] Whittaker Chambers [53] in his classic book Witness, describes one other such individual, Boris Bykov - at the time a fellow Soviet spy - this way:

Bykov was Jewish, but he was a violent anti-Semite. His hatred of rabbis was pathological. If we passed a rabbi on the street, Bykov- - would stop dead and stare while his face worked with anger.With one hand, he would grab my sleeve. With the other, he would point while he sneered in an audible voice: Look! Look! I would have to pull him away. Apparently he could not control himself.

Again, anger and hatred emerge as a disturbing ingredient of the radical mentality suggesting a hostile pathology behind the supposed idealism. Such anger might have developed as genetic or epigenetic expressions of suppressed patricidal urges developed by centuries of subjugation within a passive but highly patriarchal Jewish culture during the Diaspora. Oedipal, misandrist, or other hatred of the (Jewish) father - and by extension - all male authority figures including God (atheism) might also be consequences of this subjugation. Forced into subservience by a more dominant surrounding culture, the Jewish father might well have appeared weak to his impressionable offspring. So too with God for allowing this subjugation to occur and the rabbinate for its ostensibly passive complicity. Vitz [24] has termed this the “defective father” hypothesis and noted that Marx, and Freud himself, each had such a father:

Freud’s father was passive in response to anti-Semitism. Freud recounts an episode told to him by his father in which [Freud’s father] allowed an anti-Semite to call him a dirty Jew and knock his hat off. Young Sigmund, on hearing the story, was mortified at his father’s failure to respond, at his weakness.

Oedipal neurosis is another possible cause of the angry radical. Again, Vitz [24] notes that “…the Oedipal dream is not only to kill the father…but also to displace him.” And

Now man, not God, is the consciously specified ultimate source of goodness and power in the universe. Humanistic philosophies glorify him and his ’potential’ much the same way religion glorifies the Creator.

Compare the above quotation with that at the top of this section. Certainly Marxism, under any of its many aliases, is the glorification of man and the rejection of God and that is a major fault line between the political Left and Right.

What is to be Done?

The problem with Capitalism is capitalists

The problem with Socialism is socialism

                                                     ...Unknown

The preceding is a layman’s speculation concerning possible psychological factors driving the political Left but also an attempt to move future political discourse beyond superficialities to root causes. But why focus on the Left? 

It has been the extreme Left that has been the socially disruptive, historically deadly, nihilistic and revolutionary political force throughout the twentieth century. It is the radical Left which insists on jettisoning a highly productive capitalist system and replacing it with a collectivism that has been an abysmal failure wherever it’s been tried. [54] It is therefore essential to question the motivations of those who press that agenda.

And while the Left itself has remained immune from scrutiny, the psychology of the political Right has been probed [20] to obviously bias-ridden conclusions by Leftist intellectuals. [21] Expecting the Left-leaning academic world of social scientists to analyze its own psychological motivations is like asking the fox to find out who’s been killing the chickens.

And it is the Left that, until recently, has held a monolithic dominance of the communications infrastructure and used that leverage to push its ideological viewpoints. It has used that dominance to demonize the conservative Right as an extreme deviation from the norm. Implicitly the intellectual Left presents itself as that norm: not as a polar opposite of the Right, but as the de facto sociopolitical center of gravity: the Way, the Truth, and the Light.

The suggestion here is that the far Left’s actions remain as nihilistic manifestations of a patriphobia and it is that neurosis which forms “the dark center of the radical heart”: a compulsion to castrate or kill the symbolic father in all its forms. There is no other way to explain why otherwise intelligent people would persist in pursuing a Marxist cause that has produced on the order of 100 million (non-war) deaths [55] during the twentieth century. 

The devious Marxist agenda [38] goes unstated and its socially destructive objectives disguised by deceptive euphemisms (“situational ethics,” “moral relativism,” “affirmative action,” etc.). It advances its agendas surreptitiously; not by legislative debate but by using a politicized ACLU-dominated court system to “stealth legislate” by judicial fiat and minimize or eliminate public scrutiny. The Left invokes “speech codes” and “political correctness” as forms of censorship, thought control, and propaganda. It uses the K12 schools and the university liberal arts curricula to indoctrinate not educate: what to think, [57] not how to think.[58] At least two generations of American youth have been victimized by this force-fed propaganda.

Worst of all, since the 9/11 terrorist assault on America, elements of this radical Left have too often provided media and propagandist support to a barbarous and theocratic enemy which is dedicated to the destruction of the U.S. as a sovereign, capitalistic nation infused with a Judeo-Christian religious ethic and steeped in democratic Western cultural traditions.

Those now coming of age politically will figure critically in the fate of this nation. Hopefully this essay will help to provide further insight into the nature and possible origins of political forces at work in contemporary America and guide wiser, more informed decision making at election time.

ENDNOTES

1. Sowell, Thomas, A Conflict of Visions, Basic Books (Perseus), N.Y. 2002, xii

4. Sowell, 29

5. Sowell, 19

6. Sowell, 42

7. Horowitz, David, The Politics of Bad Faith ,The Free Press, N.Y. 1998, 148

The equality to which Horowitz alludes was/is socialistic in the purest sense of equally shared wealth (equality of condition) as advocated by the French Revolutions’ “Conspiracy of Equals” and so differs from equality of man before the law as reflected in the U.S. Constitution.

8. Muravchik, Joshua, Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism, Encounter Books, San Francisco, 2002, 17

9. Pinker, Steven, The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature, Penguin Books N.Y., 2002, 286

10. Pinker, 295

11. Sperry, R. W., “Some Effects of Disconnecting the Cerebral Hemispheres”, 1981 Nobel lecture. Les Prix Nobel. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell

25. Johnson, Paul, Intellectuals, Harper Perennial, N.Y. 1988, 60

26. Johnson, 69-70

27. Service, Robert, Lenin: A Biography, Belknap Press, Harvard Univ. Press, 2000, 8

28. Muravchik, 114

29. Service, 98

30. Davidson, Alastair, Antonio Gramsci - Towards an Intellectual Biography, Merlin Press, London 1977, 22

Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) was an Italian Marxist who realized that communism could not be spread to America by armed revolution. Gramsci advocated a more devious process of cultural subversion: a slow “march through the institutions.” Gramsci believed the core of Western culture was the nuclear family which was anchored in Christianity. This socio-religious ethic informed and cemented a patriarchal family unit; its loyalty to America and its participation in free market capitalism. Gramsci’s plan was to gradually deconstruct this cultural/moral hegemony and simultaneously replace it with Marxist ideology. The existing opinion-forming institutions were to be, first the target, and then the vehicles, of this subversion: Included were the educational establishment; the news media and publishing industries; the entertainment industry; charitable and “think tank” institutions as well as government itself.

Gramsci’s approach was imported to the U.S. by a small group of Marxists who fled Germany with the rise in Nazism This small group of Jewish intellectuals settled (ca 1938) at Columbia University under the name Institute for Social Research (nee: The Institute for Marxism). The group became known informally as the “Frankfurt School” in reference to its German origin. Faculties of university Liberal Arts colleges became the main arteries for indoctrination of their Marxist ideology. At least two generations of American youth have been so indoctrinated.

33. Fischer, Klaus P. , Nazi Germany : A New History, Continuum, N.Y., 1995, 6

34. Fischer, 18

35. Horowitz, 121

36. Harris, Sam, The End of Faith ,W.W. Norton & Co., Inc. New York, 2004, 79

37. Fischer, 17

41. Harris, 13

43. Horowitz, 119

44. Whitfield, Stephen J., “Famished for Justice: The Jew as Radical” (Ch. 11 in Jews in American Politics; Rowman & Littlefield, 2001. L. Sandy Maisel & Ira N. Forman, Ed.) 214

45. Whitfield, 223

46. J. J. Goldberg, Jewish Power - Inside the Jewish Establishment, Addison-Wesley, 1997. P 27

47. Goldberg, 26

48. Horowitz, 119

49. Fishman, Sylvia Barack, The Way into the Varieties of Jewishness. Woodstock, VT: Jewish Lights, 2007, p. 41

50. Muravchik, 321

51. Whitfield, 219:

“No scholar or political analyst of the 1950s could have anticipated how dramatically the corpse of radicalism would be jump-started in the following decade.” And 221-2: “In some ways the most baffling aspect of that commitment [to social justice] involved the student power movement. Here the Jewish propensity for radicalism was most intriguing, because its militancy could not be explained as the immigrant working class socialism of the New Leftists’ grandfathers or in terms of the economic desperation that the Great Depression engendered. The student radicals who rebeled [sic]- - -were privileged. They were not motivated by material self-interest, nor were they hampered by prejudice or discrimination.”

52. Horowitz, 119-20

53. Chambers, Whittaker, Witness, Regnery (Gateway), 50th Anniv. Edition, 439

54. Muravchik, 1-417

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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